Saturday, April 18, 2009

Voting Fraud from April 5th 2009 – statistics

Population vs Voters

Population vs Voters listed

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Demographics of the population during 2004-2008

The population was reduced from 3 607,400 citizens in 2004 to 3 572,700 citizens in 2008
There were 365,221 people of age 15-19 in 2004 and in 2008 – 327 472, a reduction that could be listed as “new voters”
The number of people who died has considerably increased (in 2004 – 41 668, and in 2008 – 43 050 citizens)
The birth rate was negative in 1999, 5000 citizens. In 2007 the negative birth rate was 5077 people.

The main lists

On 17 March 2009 CEC approved the main list with 2 549 804 voters .
From the Information on the count down of the votes of electoral population ( in the main list of the elections from April 5th were included 2 583 129 citizens which is 33 325 citizens more than what it should be.
In the official information - the number of people included in the main list is 2 564 710. What documents confirm this surplus of voters in the list?

The main lists – dynamics

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CEC: Press Release

Thursday, March 12th 2009
For immediate release
The Central Electoral Committee explains the creation and verifying procedure of the electoral lists.
The information concerning Moldovan voters, that was obtained from the Government Population Register of the Ministry of Information Development and was distributed through CEC in the counties, has a consultative purpose and cannot be taken as the main information to create the electoral lists.

CEC: Press Release

Tuesday, March 17th 2009
Press Release
To be released immediately
CEC officially announces the number of voters in Moldova
CEC announces that the process of making and verifying the electoral lists was finalized by the local public administration agencies. According to the information received on March 17th, there are 2 549 894 voters on the electoral lists.

The main lists - conclusion

CEC didn’t assist with the creation of the main lists
The main registrars never verified the lists they received from the Ministry of Informational Development from CEC, on the contrary they added 33 325 people (Hânceşti – 18 094, Ungheni – 5217, Nisporeni – 6000, Călăraşi – 5188, Căuşeni – 4322, Cantemir – 3329)
Thus the main responsibility of overvaluing the lists belongs to MID. CEC must limit MID’s interference at the lists formation. CEC was supposed to stop the counting of the or to solicit additional information for the 33 325 that were included in the main lists.
There are no disputes from the vote registrars about any kind of errors that were made in the electoral lists.

Additional Lists – 117 563 people !!!

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Additional lists

In some places, such as Soloneţ Soroca district, the vote was mostly based on additional lists (the list included 461 base voters, and the lists included additional 334). If in urban areas these lists have any explanation, then in rural areas these are lacking it completely.
Conclusion - Additional lists had a significant role in the process of fraud election.

Fraud Schemes

- Increase in the electoral lists of the number of voters - with 356 962 citizens comparing to the 2007 elections
- Inclusion in the list of additional to 117 563 citizens
- Total - 474 525 citizens, with 21.3% increase compared to 2007
- Information gathering from children whose parents (one or both) work abroad (Ministry of Education and Ministry of Information Development)
- Issue massive sheets accompanying the ID card and the form 9 (Ministry of Information Development)
- “Registering" unknown people at the residence addresses of several people (Ministry of Information Development) - the State Register of Population held by MDI
- “Resurrecting the dead" in the lists of basic and "participation" to vote


Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin has signed a pronouncement on conferring the Order "Gloria Labor" to Pavel's Buceatchi, Minister of Information Development. The distinction was awarded for work prodigiously in the public administration and special contribution to building an informational society in Moldova.
Signed pronouncement on April 7th and published in “Moldova Suverana” on April 13th 2009

Amnesty International's Concerns Relating To Policing During And After Tthe Events Of 7 Aapril 2009 In Chişinău

Hundreds of people, including minors, were detained in Moldova as the country’s authorities clamped down following demonstrations which started in the capital on 6 April but which led to rioting on 7 April 2009.

According to the Moldovan Ministry of Internal Affairs, by 11 April, 129 people had been detained. Of these, 88 people had been sentenced to between 2–15 days administrative detention, 22 people had been fined and four people had been released. Fifteen people were still unaccounted for. A further 86 people have been detained on suspicion of committing criminal acts.

Amnesty International is concerned that people, mostly of student age, were detained indiscriminately and many were subjected to torture and other ill-treatment. Local NGOs have testimonies from over 100 detainees, their families or lawyers, claiming that they have been beaten or subjected to torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment.

Amnesty International has written to President Vladimir Voronin raising the following concerns.

Amnesty International has received many reports of excessive use of force by police following the demonstrations which began on 6 April. Amnesty International acknowledges that law enforcement officials have both a responsibility and an obligation under international law to ensure the safety and security of people and property. However, it is also the duty of the authorities to ensure that the policing of demonstrations is carried out in a manner that complies with international standards, such as the UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials and the UN Basic Principles on Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. According to the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms, law enforcement officials should only use force and firearms in carrying out their duties if other means would be ineffective. Governments should ensure that any arbitrary or abusive use of force by law enforcement officers is prosecuted as a criminal offence.
Amnesty International has interviewed the following people whose cases illustrate this concern:
Valentina Cuşnir, an independent member of parliament, was near the main street of Chişinău at about midnight on 7 April. She told Amnesty International that she witnessed police beating a group of young people who had attempted to overturn a kiosk. She reported to Amnesty International that she was verbally abused by a police officer. Two officers then twisted her arms behind her back, one grabbed her by the hair and the officers then dragged her for about 200m before pushing her to the ground and letting her go. She believes she lost consciousness. Medical records confirm that she suffered concussion, a fractured left wrist and bruising to her back; she has been hospitalised as a result of these injuries.
Oleg Brega, a civil society activist, reported to Amnesty International that he was beaten by police when he attempted to film the police beating people behind the Building of the Government at about midnight on 8 April. An Amnesty International representative accompanied him to the hospital where he was treated for his injuries.
Valeriu Boboc reportedly died during the demonstrations on 7 April. There are conflicting reports as to the cause of his death. The General Prosecutor’s Office has reported that his death was due to poisoning with unknown substances, while his family allege that he died as a result of injuries inflicted by the police.
Amnesty International calls on the Moldovan authorities:
 to ensure that law enforcement officials are trained to use all force strictly in accordance with international standards;
 to ensure that all allegations of use of excessive force by the police during and after the events on 7 April are promptly, thoroughly and independently investigated;
 to ensure that police officers carrying out arrests identify themselves and to stop the practice of detentions being carried out by officers in plain clothes who fail to identify themselves.

According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, by 11 April as many as 200 people were in detention, either awaiting trial, or serving administrative sentences. By 13 April, Amnesty International had been contacted regarding 46 cases concerning people in police custody many of whom had reportedly been beaten or otherwise ill-treated. The UN Human Rights Advisor for Moldova has confirmed that he saw evidence of acts of cruel and unusual punishment when he visited the pre-trial detention centre (SIZO) No. 13 in Chişinău on 11 April.

The following cases illustrate our concerns:

A group of 36 people travelling in minibuses and a car were stopped by police in masks and machine guns at 12.30am on 7 April, and escorted to the Central Police Commissariat in Chişinău. They were reportedly made to stand in the courtyard against walls with their legs and arms apart for two hours or more, and one of them reported that he was beaten in the face with a rifle butt. When they were taken into the building they had their fingerprints taken and they were photographed and filmed. While being questioned, they each had someone standing behind them and after each question they were hit with a police baton and kicked. After questioning they were allegedly forced to run along a “corridor of death” of uniformed police, consisting of five or six on each side, while police beat, kicked and used batons against them. The group, which included seven women, was told to strip down to their underwear and forced to perform squats. They were detained overnight and given administrative sentences of between two and 10 days’ imprisonment.

Anatol Matasaru was detained on 8 April and only allowed access to his lawyer on 14 April. At the time of writing, he is still in detention and two people who had been in detention with him told his wife later that all those in detention at the same time were beaten, but that Anatol Matasaru was beaten much more than the others because he was known to the police from his previous peaceful protests. Anatol Matasaru was reportedly forced by the police officers beating him to lick their boots so that they would stop. He has been charged with a criminal offence.

Damian Hancu, a Moldovan studying in France, was at the demonstrations on 7 April interpreting for Swedish journalists when he was detained by police officers at 10pm on 7 April. He was reportedly severely beaten and kicked by police officers in custody to force him to confess to having taken part in the rioting and the destruction at the Parliamentary and Presidential buildings. He was released on 9 April and was charged with an administrative offence.

In our report on torture and ill-treatment in police custody we documented a number of factors leading to impunity for torture and other ill-treatment including low rates of conviction of police officers for torture and other ill-treatment, the difficulties that victims face in lodging complaints, as well as the failure of the Prosecutor General’s office to conduct prompt, thorough, independent and impartial investigations. We called on senior officials to deliver a clear message that torture or ill-treatment or threats to use such treatment are absolutely prohibited. The number of reports of ill-treatment that we are currently receiving appears to signal that there is a continuing atmosphere of impunity among police officers.

Amnesty International urges the Moldovan authorities:
 to take the lead to combat torture and other ill-treatment by delivering a clear message that such methods will not be tolerated;
 to ensure that all allegations of torture and ill-treatment are promptly, thoroughly and impartially investigated, and that anyone reasonably identified as responsible is brought to justice in fair proceedings;
 to ensure that anyone found to be a victim of such violations receives reparations, including fair and adequate compensation and full rehabilitation.

International human rights bodies have identified the right to have access to a lawyer as one of the fundamental safeguards against ill-treatment, and that right should apply form the outset of custody. In most of the cases that have come to Amnesty International’s attention since 7 April detainees have not been provided with prompt access to a lawyer of their choice.
The following examples illustrate our concerns:

Damian Hancu, asked to see a lawyer, and reported that he was beaten even more for having asked.

The group of 36 people who were detained on 7 April, were allocated lawyers, but denied access to lawyers of their choice. One of the appointed lawyers reportedly beat his client in order to force him to confess. Two of the lawyers asked for money and said they would not work unless they were paid in advance.

There have also been reports that detainees are brought before a judge, often in groups and directly in police stations, and without adequate information as to the place and time being publicized to enable family members and lawyers to be present. The court hearings often last no more than 10 - 15 minutes and people are not being informed of their right to appeal against these decisions.

Amnesty International urges the Moldovan authorities:
 to ensure that all detainees are informed of their rights and ensured prompt access to a lawyer of their choice;
 to ensure that in criminal cases the requirements of the Criminal Procedural Code that a lawyer always be present during police interrogations is complied with;
 to ensure that court hearings are public and that information about the dates and times of hearings are publicized;
 to ensure that those sentenced under the Code on Administrative Infractions do not serve their sentences in police detention facilities.

Amnesty International is concerned that in their haste to prosecute those who committed criminal acts during the rioting on 7 April, police and prosecutors may fail to distinguish between those who have been peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression and assembly and those who have committed violent acts. Amnesty International has previously documented cases where Ministry of Interior employees violated the right to freedom of expression by detaining people demonstrating peacefully within the law and failing to safeguard the right to freedom of expression from violation by third parties. The organization wrote to the Minister of the Interior on 11 February 2009 expressing concern at these violations.
Amnesty International is particularly concerned about the following individuals:
Natalia Morari and Ghenadie Brega have been accused of attempting to overthrow the state and could face a maximum prison sentence of 20 years. Both were amongst a group of civil society activists including Elena Zgardan, Artur Gurău, Ion Ţărnă and others who organized a peaceful “day of mourning” on 6 April to protest against the results of the Moldovan parliamentary elections which took place the previous day. They had informed the authorities about their plans in accordance with the law. They had not expected that as many as 10,000 people would turn up at the peaceful demonstration. The organizers of the vigil asked everybody to leave at 8pm, but the political leaders present continued speaking to the crowd until 8.30pm and then announced that there would be another meeting at 10am the following morning. Amnesty International believes that the organizers were peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression and assembly, and that if arrested for organizing a peaceful assembly for which they had notified the authorities, they would be considered prisoners of conscience.

The meeting on 7 April, turned into violent rioting. Natalia Morari told Amnesty International that she was present on that day and was engaged in trying to locate loudspeakers in order to instruct the demonstrators to stay on the designated protest site.

Amnesty International urges the Moldovan authorities:
 to ensure that police officers understand and act according to the new Law on Assemblies and Moldova’s international human rights obligations;
 to ensure that a distinction is made between those suspected of having committed criminal acts and those who have peacefully exercised their rights to freedom of expression and assembly;
 to ensure that the rights to freedom of assembly, association and expression are upheld.


Amnesty International welcomed the establishment of the Consultative Council for the Prevention of Torture within the Parliamentary Human Rights Advocates office. The Consultative Council was established in compliance with Moldova’s obligations as a state party to the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention against Torture. Regular visits to places of detention by an independent monitoring body of this kind, is one of the most effective ways to prevent torture and ill-treatment.

However, Amnesty International is concerned to learn that between 7 – 13 April, the Consultative Council was refused access to many police stations, including the General Police Commissariat of Chişinău and the Central, Buiucani and Rişcani District Police Commissariats in Chişinău. It w as only able to visit the pre-trial detention centre (SIZO) No 13 on 11 April after more than an hour of negotiations and with the intervention of the Ombudsman. Furthermore, on 14 and 15 April, the Consultative Council was given very restricted access to Ciocana District Police Commissariat and access to Rişcani District Police Commissariat only when the Ombudsman arrived.

Amnesty International is further concerned by reports that the Parliamentary Human Rights Advocates have been strongly advised by the authorities not to speak out about human rights violations or assist with visits to detention centres.
Amnesty International urges the Moldovan authorities:
 to ensure that police officers at all levels are properly informed of the legal functions and duties of the Parliamentary Human Rights Advocates, including the rights to enter without any restriction, and without prior authorization, any state institution, including police stations and prisons, and to speak in confidence with any person there, without the presence of officials as set out in the Law on Parliamentary Advocates. These rights extend to the Consultative Council against Torture.

Amnesty International

Voronin has followed Hitler's example


Anton Gamurari, Major-General of Police: "Voronin has followed Hitler's example"

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General Major of Police Anton Gamurari participated in all the special training for troops of the Ministry of Internal Affrairs, from the first company created under the battalion patrol and sentry, then the former Omonia. On 5 December 1991, by a government decision, the special police brigade “Fulger” was formed which was led by Anton until 1997. I asked him to tell us his expert opinion on the events of 7 April 2009.

- General, how do you evaluate the events from April 7?

- It was a peaceful demonstration, but I suspect that what happened later was a tactless challenge. Unfortunately, all the people in the street didn’t have organizers willing to lead them and to coordinate their actions.

- Who organized the challenge?

- Young people were contacted over the internet to gather, without any specific purpose. I suspect that this order was amended by the Service and Information Security, which who has access to all the information and the necessary equipment.

- How do you reason this assumption?

- Besides SIS, MIA has tremendous equipment. Basically, we have three ministers – MIA, Center for Combating Economic Crimes and Corruption and Special Mission Agency. It's a huge conglomerate of officials who only harm the country. The fact that the governing officials say that they eliminated criminals is only fairy tales.
Now, instead of the criminal world, came government organizations. Police and CCECC occupied this niche. I was recently in Stefan-Voda district and some colleagues told me directly that the former criminal world today is connected with all power officials, including with the Communist Party. They have one task - to maintain power and to do as they wish.

- What were the causes that started the protests?

- It’s no longer a secret that the basic reason was the fraud election. At one point, the Communists had over 60%. And they were scared, and the chairman of the Central Election Committee, Eugene Ştirbu had heartache. It was a paradox - that PCRM has 70-80 mandates, while opposition parties - 41. As if the parliament should not be constituted of 101 members, but of over 120. Communists needed two days to cover things. Everyone voted: the dead, those working abroad, and citizens of the place with multiple residence documentation. Thus, there are hundreds of thousands of extra votes. About a year ago, an official of SIS was placed at the Ministry of Informational Development to be responsible for public records. The man was committed to his job.

- And what happened next?

- In order to hide the fraud elections, something had to be done. That’s when they gathered the young people and ordered them: "Go ahead." Suddenly, there were leading groups very well-trained. All young people, as those from the square, but with short hair cuts, were wearing sports clothing, and who have provoked others: let’s go to the presidency to parliament! In addition, where did they take rocks? I remember that on 10 November 1989, when MIA was attacked, there were brought trucks with stones, and behind the steering wheel of the KAMAZ trucks were KGB officers.

- What do think has specifically provoked the protesters?

- Many of them didn’t even realize that they came to protest against the fraud of the election. That's why they there were several dozen young people who challenged them to different actions. This was an obvious thing. They were throwing stones, they climbed over the windows, they even went under the water hoses. The challenge was from their side. A former colleague from the Presidency told me that not even the bodyguards, knew how to reach the roof. Access to the roof was limited to a number of people. How did that young guy install the flag? Only accompanied by police and security.

- How did the police act? Could the acts of vandalism been avoided?

- Sure. MIA has two powerful structures - police brigade of special purpose regiment and "Scut" that has people to safeguard any object of primary value to the country. How can someone easily give in those two buildings? It was enough only one of these buildings to be put in danger in order to block the access to go further. Now, they claim that they didn’t use those methods because protesters were young and they didn’t want to beat them. I wonder: but then why have then been beaten? Why are they still maltreated? I do not think Valeriu Boboc died because of an unknown gas. A young man of 23 years cannot easily die because of some gas, especially when other people were trapped.

- Why didn’t they block the access to the buildings?

- Because that wasn’t the intent. Several lines of defense were supposed to be formed. On 14 May 1991, indeed, was prepared attempted government overthrow, linked to the dismissal of Mircea Druc. There were six lines of policemen. Young people were sitting on the asphalt. When deputies got out of the parliament, young people got up and broke the six lines. It was a horror scene that can only be seen in movies. With only 50 policemen we fixed the lines and managed to send everyone to the main square. I wonder how 50 police were then deciding the fate of the country, and now hundreds of policemen couldn’t?

- How you think why Voronin has ordered the withdrawal?

- In order to blame the youth and on the leaders of opposition parties for what happened. And he succeeded. Just for now. People aren’t like Voronin's, they have an open mind and understand why things were done that way. I witnessed how some leaders of political parties were trying to calm down the young people and ordered them to go in the square, but not go to TVM, as some were provoked to do.

- After the withdrawal of the crowd, why wasn’t the guarding of the buildings ordered?

- Police stood behind the buildings. It could have started guarding the buildings very simply. It was expected though that the people should go further to destroy the buildings. The acts of vandalism have been instructed by some groups of young, educated by the service. You won’t find those people among those detained, because they fulfilled the order of the leaders. Police are still hunting through education, arresting and maltreating the young innocent people, who had nothing to do with acts of vandalism.

- It is true that Voronin monopolized the power in the country?

- Everything works to enrich and defend Voronin empire. The business in Moldova is held by two persons - Oleg Voronin and Oleg Smirnov, both millionaires, who have control over the republic's energy resources. Voronin pretends to know nothing about it , and openly argues with Smirnov, when the two sons of theirs get along very well. The slogan launched by the Communists in elections "For a European Moldova” has no sense, because, in fact, they orient us to Eastern Europe. Voronin has seriously affected not only relations with Romania, but also with the whole EU, and that had its purpose.

- Who is guilty of what happened on April 7 in Chisinau?

- The Communist government and, above all, President Voronin. To maintain power, he followed the Hitler’s example. He gave orders to burn Moldovan Reichstag. Sooner or later he will have to answer for what happened. Youth needs a European future, not to be his slaves, since after graduating from educational institutions; they are basically thrown in the streets. Everyone wanted a change after April 5th. If that didn’t happen, it is communist regime’s fault who fraud the elections and caused the events on April 6 and 7. It's a tough lesson and it should be taken into consideration by those who are still yet to power.

- Thank you for the interview.

Source: Timpul

EUobserver: Waving the Moldovan flag in Brussels

Last Friday (10 April), a handful of people gathered on the steps of the old Stock Exchange building in Brussels. Soon, more and more arrived, unfurled banners and flags and started chanting. An old lady passed hurriedly and asked "Why don't you protest in your own country?" The answer was easy. "Because there we would not be allowed to."

The demonstrators were mostly Moldovans living in Brussels, along with a few Romanians and friends from other countries. They were students, workers, business managers and journalists. The youngest were small children, the oldest had seen their country change borders and regimes three times already. They called for "Free Moldova...SOS Europe...Freedom for the press."

All were trying to do what little they could to draw some attention from a West that simply has no idea of Moldova's plight.

A state that had enjoyed de jure democracy for the past 19 years, the Republic of Moldova has never really left the Russian sphere of influence even after declaring its independence from the Soviet bloc.

It is plagued by a frozen conflict in the secessionist, Russian-supported strip of land called Transnistria. It is divided over the history of its own questionable independence, for the most part having been part of either Romania or Russia.

Moldova is so small and poor it doesn't even have a country profile on Human Rights Watch, a body that monitors most of the countries on earth for abuses.

Little surprise then, that in the latest legislative election of 5 April 2009, the Russian-backed Communists won by a landslide – allegedly 50 percent of the votes.

The OSCE observer mission said the elections were mostly fair, but nobody noticed that out of the 43 states sending 42 long-term experts and 400 short-term monitors, the vast majority were from Russian-led CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States), nor did they imagine that the observers might have been, to put it diplomatically, duped.

Most observers left the polling stations around 5 PM local time and from 6 PM the Communists saw a major surge in their favor at the exit-polls. Many people reported seeing dead relatives listed as having voted. Numerous abuses during the campaign were brushed off.

The young people of Moldova could not take it anymore. They rushed into the streets to protest. They gathered in numbers as big as 30,000 in front of the Moldovan Parliament where they tried to protest peacefully.

It is now known, from overwhelming witness accounts and photographic evidence, that a small number of people encouraged the crowd to acts of violence against the police and state buildings. It is now known that the same individuals raised the Romanian flag on the parliament building with the help of the police.

The West was, for a few seconds, interested in how the youngsters had co-operated on Twitter to start the protest.

But the same West forgot all about it pretty soon. Javier Solana blandly condemned the violence, while the Russian authorities kept "leaking" information about nefarious Romanian unionist influence.

Vladimir Voronin, the Communist President of Moldova, who is supposed to step down after the elections, could see that nobody would bother him.

He appeared on Moldovan TV (which broadcast folk music during the parliament protests), talking about "fascists" from Romania who "shamed the country" by raising the Romanian flag. He also expelled the Romanian ambassador and closed the borders for all Romanians.

Since there was still no reaction from the international community, Mr Voronin's regime started arbitrary arrests: students, protesters, journalists and opposition leaders.

An unknown number of people have been arrested and charged with everything from treason to attempts to destabilise the state.

Totalitarian police state

Moldova has now become a totalitarian police state. Even with the recount of the votes, not much will change, since it is the same Communists who do the counting as the ones who will benefit from it.

Small demonstrations like the one in Brussels have been seen all over Europe and even in the US. Paris, London, Stockholm, Boston are witnessing Moldovo-Romanian rallies in the hope that the media will turn their heads.

People are trying to help, for the sake of their friends and relatives at home, or for their own sake – who wants to be the citizen of an isolated, closed off country? Maybe the EU, maybe Nato, maybe someone will eventually act.

Nobody cares about re-uniting Moldova and Romania for now - helping people in Moldova to live freely and enjoy basic human rights is a lot more important.

But do other nations care? Some Moldovans fear that "they have all abandoned us," as one student put it, afraid that her foreign visa will soon expire and she will have to return to a country where she has no civil rights and no future.

The author is a Romanian student at Institute d'Etudes Europeenes, ULB

Source: EUobserver

Police mistreated the parliament's electrician


The electrician who works at the parliament, Vasile Şendrea, was mistreated by the police even in the building of the legislature, as after the night of April 7, he remained in order at work to prevent any kind of electrocution accidents of both the firefighters and the protesters. Şendrea came to the emergency room with a fractured leg and a back full of bruises, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs hasn’t paid any money for the treatment.

Sendrea’s case shows once more that MIA lies one more time about the reporting that they do not apply physical force towards the protesters who participated in the square on April 7th. When the devastation of the parliament building started, says Şendrea, his bosses ordered him to remain on site to light out in case of firefighters’intervention. "My mission was to disconnect the power source on all floors where fires could break. When parliament caught on fire, firefighters could not extinguish, because they would have been electrocuted" said the electrician.

Vasile Şendrea was attacked by policemen at night, around one o’clock, on one of the halls of parliament after he turned off the lights on several floors and was trying to get to the basement. "I was walking through smoke, and couldn’t see anything. Some policemen showed up in front of me and began to beat me. They took me as someone else, I believe and they were yelling: "Down! Down. “I tried to tell them I work here, but they hit me with a bat over my legs and I fell. I was constantly hit in my back with bats until they realized who I was. Then I was taken into my office and left there," reported Şendrea V. He got to the hospital himself, although he had several fractures to a leg and he also paid out of his own pocket for the medical care: "Now my leg is plaster and my back still has traces of bruises. I do not know what will be after this if they will compensate me for the cost, because I bought the medication with my money. I was just working. If I had left everything and ran away, they would have blamed me for running away"says the electrician.

According to V. Şendrea, the first room of that was allowed to be burned was the Permits Room, where he was called to help firefighters work. There is a video on the blog of Alex Cozer that shows this. You can see Ion Galiţchi (young person who stated thatt he installed flags of EU on the buildings "to calm down the masses") receiving some documents from a man suit, after which he breaks the door of the Bureau, where he shoves in a lot of paper, which was then lit. Yesterday, the MIA Gheorghe Papuc, said in a meeting with Edwin Berny, UN representative in Chisinau, the police does not maltreat those detained or arrested on April 7 ...

Source: Timpul

Voronin is awarding his evil-doers


Communist authorities from Chisinau have promised apartments to policemen. Amnesty announced by Voronin can not be applied in law, but awarding policemen - yes.

[Click to enlarge] Foto: Reuters
Policemen dressed in civilian forcedly picked up young people off streets and put them in prison.

Moldovan Minister of Internal Affairs, Gheorghe Papuc promised them bonuses totaling three police salaries, but also apartments.
They took these responsibilities as a token of thanks for not taking off on the provokers of the crowd who instigated the destruction of the Presidency and Parliament buildings during the protests of April 7, says the publication "Time".

Amnesty, dust in eyes

As far as the young people who were kidnapped and taken to police station where they are locked in, they will not enjoy the freedom too soon since amnesty announced Wednesday by President Voronin can not be put into practice.

First, a law must be approved by the Parliament, and the new Legislative was not yet formed, writes "Ziarul de Garda".

Some analysts are of the opinion that Voronin wants to motivate such a request to the Constitutional Court to validate sooner the results of the elections to allow the legislature formation.

Attorney Victor Panţâru who ensures Anatol Mătăsaru’s protection, known for his protests against the new communist authorities, said that the order of freeing the retained persons wasn’t given at the Police Station where his client is retained.

He believes that this amnesty is a plot of the regime to "wash hands" of the issue of children and young people detained. Moreover, after his announcement Voronin Mătăsaru was transferred from the General Police Station to prison no. 13.

However, the General Trial Court announced that they had "initiated the process to revoke the measures of repression in the form of arrest, which were applied to persons who participated in actions of mass disorders in the April 7, writes" Jurnal de Chisinau ".

Torture continues

Shocking testimony about the inhuman treatment imposed on young protesters continued to appear in the press over the Prut.
Ion Cretu, II year student at the College building in Chisinau, has been detained by police near the Sun City store in April 9.

He says he was beaten with a plastic bottle filled with water in order not to show traces on the body. Now he has unbearable back pain. Cretu says that in another cell, right next to his, there were girls who were naked and beaten with legs and weapons.

Edwin Berry, UN representative in Chisinau, said he managed to talk with 40 people in the insulator 13. "From what I saw and heard from around 40 young people, I can declare that this is a serious human rights violations: the application of inhuman and degrading treatment, fencing right to legal advice, fair and adequate conditions of detention" , the UN expert said.

The third dead person

Another parent from Soroca town, was notified by police that his son, Eugen Tapu, aged 26, died. " The Body is almost unrecognized and was put by theauthorities in a hermetically sealed coffin," said Eugen’s father for the publication "Ziarul de Garda". Eugene’s sister added that they said he died nine days ago, that’s why he was placed in a sealed coffin.

On the other hand, Valeriu Boboc body of another person who is believed to have died in the actions authorities will exhume and examine in the presence of international experts.

Although he was hit in the head and neck, he had fractures and bruises, the Prosecutor General said that he died of poisoning with unknown substance. Ion Ţâbuleac young parents, the second died of communist repression, have been notified that it was a suicide, although the victim's body were traces of violence.

“From what I saw and heard from about 40 young people, may find that the serious human rights violations.”

Edwin Berry

UN representative in Chisinau

Source: Adevărul